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Unfortunately, in most voluntary retrenchment exercises, it was usually the most able who left first, attracted by better opportunities and pay to non-state sectors.
This implies that non-state agencies do not regard themselves as equal in stature and influence vis-' -vis the state.
Access to non-state policing services is uneven, depending on location and\or wealth.
For example, in 1999, there were 76,633 labor disputes in the non-state sector, which was 63.8 per cent of the total labor disputes that year.
Perhaps the short history of non-state home care is a relevant factor.
The fact that more than a third of non-state homes did not earn enough to cover their operation costs is worrying.
The multi-level governance perspective stresses the sharing of power between member states and other non-state actors as well as the erosion of member state influence.
The final part of the article presents empirical findings from a study of non-state welfare homes for older people conducted by the authors.
The ubiquity of contemporary non-state policing raises important normative and policy issues about what attitude democracies should take to it.
In a nutshell, the state will always react as state to the challenges of globalisation, including the challenge from non-state communities and their laws.
A final cause for concern is the potential for some aspects of non-state policing to provoke a still wider use of violence.
This again illustrates the important advantages gained by those workers whose employers contribute to their non-state provision.
Selected non-state actors are also represented, among them think tanks, business organisations, multinational corporations and the media.
There are other adverse effects, too, of this continuing reliance on non-state policing.
An extremely important dimension is the relationship between non-state homes and the government.