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The voice mestizo has a long genealogy that starts, roughly, in the sixteenth century and emerges in the present.
In fact, she proposes a hierarchy, star ting at the bottom: indigenous women, indigenous men, mestizo groups, and the dominant elite.
The mestizo chicleros sometimes harassed their fellow tappers, but to a large extent they tolerated each other.
We are used to its empirical version : the scientific observation of ' mixture ' in mestizo's bodies, cultures, races, and so forth.
In this situation, urban mestizo teachers might choose to side with the peasantry, and this was a significant political act.
Instead, a mestizo or mixed person could be a mosaic of elements, which were racialised with reference to the tri-racial origins of the nation.
Nevertheless, it is important to note that persons with these characteristics could be viewed as mestizos, depending on their degree of acculturation.
Rather, they evoke a complex conceptual hybridity epistemologically inscribed in the notion mestizo itself.
The dangerous other is also ' mestizo' - thus in some ways like oneself.
The ' mixture ' that the label mestizo implied, then, might have meant something different.
Similarly, not all individuals who we know call ' mixed ' were, at the time, labelled mestizos.
This is particularly true of cultures that are considered central contributors to contemporary mestizo national identities.
In some cases, like colonial mestizos and contemporary mestiza market women, they even reject it.
As with a genealogy, the earlier manifold faith-based features imputed to ' mestizos ' were not simply displaced by notions of ' racial mixture ' dictated by rational science.
The idea of a mestizo person as a mosaic of racialised elements does not lend itself very easily to an essentialist definition of identity.
