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Again, the financial weakness of the banks and chaebol was used to force an unprecedented restructuring of lending practices, ownership, and industrial structure.
In exchange for these quasi-taxes, the incumbent promised favourable treatments to chaebol companies regarding industrial policies and financial favours.
The chaebol were pressured to sell off their far-flung non-core businesses, and to use the proceeds to reduce their debt-equity ratios.
Inside the operations of chaebol groups, there are many branches that family members control and operate.
By the late 1980s, the chaebol had become financially independent and securethereby eliminating the need for further government-sponsored credit and assistance.
Therefore, the system of chaebol was not very transparent.
The chaebol continued their explosive growth in export markets in the 1980s.
The chaebol were heavily invested in export-oriented manufacturing, neglecting the domestic market, and exposing the economy to any downturns in overseas markets.
Government industrial policy set the direction of new investment, and the chaebol were to be guaranteed loans from the banking sector.
Many political affiliations are created within the chaebol.
In 1990, government regulations made it difficult for a chaebol to develop an exclusive banking relationship.
The chaebol were able to grow because of two factorsforeign loans and special favors.
Access to foreign technology also was critical to the growth of the chaebol through the 1980s.
However, large "chaebols" pose potential difficulties as illicit business behaviour is still common among them.
The chaebol also were responsible for turning the trade deficit in 1985 to a trade surplus in 1986.
