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Due to these groups' smaller size, an individual swing voter can hold more power.
Finally, swing voters base their vote on other factors, suggesting a rational evaluation of government and candidate performance.
If candidates are uncertain of the outcome then they need both to mobilize their supporters and to appeal to swing voters.
On the other, we should expect that more subsidies go to the regions where swing voters are concentrated.
Swing voters, on the other hand, cannot be distinguished accordingly.
The opposite is a swing voter.
While the table shows how each individual voted in 2000, swing voters are those voting for another party in 1996.
A second conclusion is that the core and swing voters cannot be distinguished by structural criteria.
Table 5 shows the importance of demographic features for the party alignment of core and swing voters respectively.
It is not a huge difference but noticeable, as women make 35% of the swing voters, whereas their share of core voters exceeds 40%.
Finally, swing voters seem to be characterised by a conscious evaluation of government and candidate performance in a sign of relatively ' mature ' democratic voting behaviour.
Nor do men and women differ in the weight of their party support among either core or swing voters.
But women are less likely to be swing voters than men, which is also interesting.
It is not, for example, as if swing voters were disproportionately public sector employees.
Fourthly, the swing voters' choice of party defies such classification, and seems to depend more on the candidates' performance and on issues, signifying an evaluative and relatively 'mature ' voting behaviour.
