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Furthermore, there are no term limits and parties are obliged to nominate incumbents desiring re-election regardless of their conduct in office.
Provincial rivalries for power were slowly eliminated, internal conflict reduced, and presidents succeeded one another observing the principle of no re-election.
We expect that these cross-pressured members had a harder time securing re-election because they were less in line with their national parties and their constituencies.
Their chances of winning increase as the chance of the incumbents' re-election decreases, so the opposition benefits from revelations of corruption involving incumbents.
We expect such variables to have a positive impact on the option of running for re-election, since they increase the payoffs for staying in office.
It holds true to the fundamental assumption that candidates are motivated by re-election and that the median voter exerts real centripetal pull.
For example, suppose a particular deputy is twice as likely to run for re-election as to retire.
In four of these five, the incumbents ensured that the new rules guaranteed their own re-election.
When a backbencher's re-election does not strongly depend on party label, do party rules affect who is likely to rebel against party leaders?
Had he done so, his incumbency advantages and great popularity would have assured him re-election.
Closed party lists, for instance, encourage discipline because of party leaders' influence over a candidate's re-election.
Table 1 presents the data as average re-election rates per election and turnover per year.
Invariably, they see a strong economy as a boon for an incumbent's re-election hopes and a weak economy as a curse on them.
While the ban on re-election allowed him to replace unfriendly governors, it also made credible his supposed commitment to allow alternation in power.
If they are sufficiently unpopular, the costs may greatly exceed the benefits (of re-election).