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Generalized non-voting is significantly associated not only with age, but also (though not at conventional significance levels) social class.
The problem for these new behaviorist social scientists was not simply to understand non-voting, but to cure it.
This question involves two sub-questions: first, is compulsory voting an effective cure for non-voting, and, second, is non-voting a disease in need of a cure?
While it is hardly surprising that some measures of political cynicism are associated with non-voting, such factors clearly do not provide a complete explanation.
To be sure, statutory penalties for non-voting may encourage voter turnout in certain countries, at least to the extent they are enforced (a critical question).
Thus, and in line with the discussion above, the following analysis will consider whether non-voting in 1999 was associated with opposition to devolution.
If the researchers' purpose is to explain voting or non-voting behavior, it is important to distinguish subjective from objective factors and examine the influence of subjective factors.
The first is that the idea of voting as a trust seems to make non-voting the norm, or baseline, against which political rights and duties are to be judged.
Do we not talk about the same thing when we discuss voting and non-voting shares and rights in public companies?
It has not stopped us saying that the practice of having non-voting shares is rather regrettable.
The amendment deals with the question of voting and non-voting shares.
It is certainly one of the most generous and there is no question of non-voting shares or anything of that kind.
I thought that he was trying to get rid of non-voting and restricted voting shares as a principle.
Very small amounts of voting shares can control very large amounts of non-voting shares.
The amendments would enable non-voting members to know where they stand.