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Polarization of congressional parties emerges as the ideological distribution of congressional seats changes.
The disappearance of these members brings party and constituency preferences into better alignment, thus allowing for the repolarization of congressional parties.
Thus, the re-polarization of congressional elections lagged behind the polarization of national presidential politics.
The average (199,685) is derived from total numbers of votes cast in the 1996 congressional election (86,863,000) divided by the number of seats elected (435).
For both issues, the divergence between presidential and congressional elections becomes apparent from around 1964.
Again, the interest group coefficient is diminished from 3.801 to 2.723 under higher levels of congressional observation.
Those agencies whose outputs are close to the ideal of the congressional median should be more durable than other agencies.
Congressional committees responsible for appropriations to fund preservation activities in federal libraries recognized the importance of eliminating the use of acid paper for government publications.
We examine the effects of voting for the winners and losers of presidential and congressional elections on political trust.
However, voting for the congressional majority party did not affect people's level of political trust.
The congressional response to the three elections conferring a mandate is ephemeral.
In essence, allowing groups access to the congressional agenda may serve as a form of issue containment in some cases.
Only when natural patterns of electoral loss and retirement replaced these legislators did congressional party polarization re-emerge.
The congressional district, as compared to the state legislative district, would thus not serve to define any particularity at all.
Although voting in presidential elections became more partisan relative to congressional elections, cross-party voting in congressional elections persisted.