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As reported in all these studies, however, there is a fair amount of variability in speakers' intuitions of syllabification, even when dialect is controlled for.
Lack of sufficient data on the language of young dialect users has a number of implications.
Perhaps one should not be too surprised if the role of dialect contact in leading to dialect mixture has been rejected by such writers.
It is therefore plausible that in other groups in these places the dialect is affected even less by the standard language.
According to this hierarchy, a request in dialect seems to be the most important factor in predicting the presence of dialect.
Can we assess the role of dialect differences relative to other dimensions of situated discourse?
Chapter two addresses the old problem of the definitions of language and dialect.
This is possibly the most striking part of the dialect, especially at its most informal.
The third-person-singular present tense in this dialect is characterized by a -zero marker, which is in variation with the standard -s marker.
It also belongs to a dialect, but whether this should really be labelled 'royalese' as if this were a distinct dialect is doubtful.
Treatment of social network and linguistic variation has not been carried out in settings where dramatically different dialects are in contact.
Needless to say, these three requirements must be satisfied for the dialect where auxiliary do arose.
Another result has been the increase of multi-voicedness in market discourse - a greater number of accents, dialects, and ethnic minority languages.
Different dialects thus should be seen as different phonological systems, rather than as variants of some "common" system.
In a dialect mixture situation, large numbers of variants from the different dialects involved in the mixture are present.