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Finally, we considered whether home rule improved the situation for urban legislation.
For those who recalled the 1912-14 home rule crisis, the scene was all too familiar.
In one extract he had shown his contempt for the political pragmatism espoused by the home rule party.
The instrument of legislative action, however, became blunter with the adoption of home rule.
Home rule effectively eliminated state access to the awarding of franchises and to the form of local government, both central issues in turnof-the-centur y politics.
These patterns of legislative deference to local representatives and of continued state involvement in local issues did not end with home rule.
Home rule broadened, rather than constricted, the scope of conflict on urban issues.
Indeed, these home rule resolutions enjoyed the unique distinction of being the only ones unanimously passed at the notoriously fractious conference.
With home rule, conflict broadened, embracing interests outside of the city.
This common wisdom has dissenters; scholars of intergovernmental relations have continued to focus on issues of home rule, centering their attention on problems of apportionment.
Moreover, home rule often did not restrict the state's ability to interfere with the ever-important sphere of local taxation.
While home rule changed the legislative context, it did not change the tendency of legislatures to defer to local delegates on special bills.
As an unfulfilled possibility, home rule has provoked much historical debate.
With home rule, the situation changed somewhat.
Although its constitution did not feature "home rule" provisions, the state's eighty-two counties retained significant formal authority and informal power relative to state-level actors and institutions.
