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The complaints that precede the walkouts are constructed so as to identify deleterious and generic personal deficiencies.
The walkout tactic is also risky, because it requires high co-ordination and compliance among majority members.
Following the walkout, nobody seems to have been fired.
As well as ending in walkouts, these sequences end with one or both of the par ticipants evidently in an indignant or distraught state.
The sequences that precede the three walkouts are quite long, extending over several pages of transcript.
Although each of the sequences in its detail has features that make it distinctive, it is also possible to discern some common elements in the events immediately preceding the walkout.
One reason for being interested in the shape of arguments preceding walkouts is that they may hold clues as to how more serious argument escalations occur.
When a theatre audience is scandalized by a performance, it often enacts its protest in a highly theatrical way, using catcalls, walkouts, and even fists to express its disapproval.
Indeed, the most numerous complaints in the labour archives and the most common source of local conflicts and walkouts during the revolution, are those of millhands against supervisors.
This looks as though it was a pretext, this walkout by him—because it does look like a walkout.
There could, therefore, be a walkout in which half the workers might be covered, having given the requisite notice, but the other half might not.
All colliery walkouts are led by chargemen, who may not even go to union meetings.
They start with a spontaneous walkout, sometimes by a relatively small number of people.
The truth is that spontaneous walkouts—unoffical or unpredictable protests—take place in every country, in every office and in every factory.
Difficulties will arise if a walkout occurs over, for instance, the dismissal of a shop steward, which was later endorsed by a secret ballot.