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Patrons-coiffeurs were also bitterly divided among themselves in their attitudes to work and politics, the lines drawn principally between artisan coiffeurs and proprietors of larger, more commercialised salons.
Indeed, it could be said with almost perfect statistical accuracy that patron-coiffeur equalled artisan.
First, the average ouvrier-coiffeur was not very well off, earning a bit more than an ouvriertanneur or cordonnier, a bit less than an assistant cabinet maker or plumber.
More than this, it was strikingly similar to some of the plans being drawn up at that very moment by coiffeurs themselves.
It concludes that the regime offered coiffeurs more in the way of gestures than genuine solicitude.
As a rule, the government, more interested in restraining inflation than in pleasing hairdressers, listened to the coiffeurs' demands and then promptly disregarded them.
From a strictly economic point of view, however, liberation and democracy did not much improve the circumstances of patrons coiffeurs.
Politics aside, the foremost problem was to provide coiffeurs with the stuff they needed for work.
Needless to say, coiffeurs were incensed at this cavalier treatment.
The salad days of the 1920s, when business expanded more rapidly than the number of coiffeurs, gave way to much harder times in the 1930s.
The great mass of coiffeurs, however, operated in a saturated market, which inevitably worked, despite the repeated efforts of patrons and ouvriers, to depress prices.
At the same time as market forces were once again pressing down upon the trade, patron coiffeurs also began to feel the weight of building a more just society.
Perhaps coiffeurs' experience can help clarify matters.
If coiffeurs could control access to and commerce within their trade, they reasoned, they could blunt the pernicious effect of the market and prop up prices and wages.
Trade unions, chambers of trades and public authorities tried to provide artisan coiffeurs with a commercial education to match their training.
